DIY History | Transcribe | Campus Culture | University of Iowa anti-war protests, 1970 | 1970-10-07 ""Iowa City People's Peace Treaty Committee"" Page 24

Transcribe
Translate

University of Iowa anti-war protests, 1970

1970-10-07 ""Iowa City People's Peace Treaty Committee"" Page 24

(GREENBLATT cont. from page 23)

Point three on troop withdrawal is simply a restatement of US intentions to continue its present policy of transfering the ground fighting to ARVN mercenaries under closer supervision through a much more thorough system of 'advisors'. The prototype is already in operation in parts of the Mekong Delta where US 'advisors', amounting to unit commanders, now extend down to the village and hamlet level. This process is intended to cut down US casualties and free the US military to pursue its attempt to bleed the Vietnamese people into submission through the increased use of artillery and air power. It is further based on the calculation that high US casualties are a liability on the domestic political scene and cost-effectiveness studies that show the expenditure to keep one GI in the field will buy eight similarly equipped Vietnamese mercenaries. This observation is the heart of the Nixon Doctrine for Asia.

When talking about a political settlement, Nixon finally attempts to respond to one plank of the PRG program. It is a measure of the reasonableness of the PRG proposal. and proof of Nixon's intent to disrupt negotiation attempts that he has to totally misrepresent the PRG position on who will participate in the coalition in the course of his futile attempt to discredit it. It should also be noted that while the PRG offer outlines the steps which can lead to democratic elections Nixon's Five Points contain no reference to elections. 

Nixon's final point on release of all prisoners is clearly an emotional play meant solely for domestic consumption during an election period. Contrary to government inspired propaganda in the US press, the extent of contact between US prisoners in North Vietnam and their families, conducted through the Committee of Liaison established by anti-war activists, is unprecedented for any war in recent history. It should also be borne in mind that every American flying bombing missions in this war volunteers for the task and nearly every one is a career officer. For Nixon to equate these men with peasant-soldiers intent on driving foreign aggressors from their soil, to 'offer' exchanges when US troops are under orders not to bring in prisoners, to demand release of these career bombers while he continues to pound South Vietnam with tonnage equivalent to two and one half Hiroshima size bombs per week, this is the height of arrogance. 

VII.The picture should be falling into shape. The US expeditionary force is stalemated and continued US casualties, even below Nixon's 'acceptable' figure of one hundred per week, is a political liability. The Thieu-Ky-Khiem regime is more isolated each day as a mass based popular movement in the cities of South Vietnam presses more strongly for total US withdrawal and peace through a political settlement with the PRG. The Nixon Administration is attempting to sabotage this process by sheer theological and economic power in Saigon, duplicity in Paris and repression at home. 

In the Nixon timetable the period from now until May 1, 1971. is crucial.  That is the deadline projected by Secretary of State Rogers for phasing out US forces from ground combat operations. This is also to enable bleeding Vietnam indefinitely, cheaply and with a minimum of domestic cost. The people in the United States must not allow this transition to take place. 

The political struggle now taking shape in the cities of South Vietnam is already broader based than that which toppled Diem. Only the timing remains in doubt for a major political offensive which will undoubtedly create a governmental crisis in Saigon before May 1, 1971. The analogy with 1963 breaks down, however, when we compare the US troop levels, the number of ARVN mercenaries and the level of economic and political commitment of Washington to Thieu, with the conditions which prevailed under Diem. In short, the political opposition may yet be crushed, and crushed for years even if Thieu falls, unless there is complementary offensive in the United States. 

It is ingrained movement habit to either short change or overestimate our strength, to overlook the strategic possibilities and necessities of specific historical periods. We cannot make the mistake now. Neither  we nor the Vietnamese can afford it. One of the signals that the force of popular opposition in South Vietnam may well be awaiting is a visible movement in the United States in solidarity with them. If they go into the streets sometime in the next six months we must be prepared to act along with them, all the millions of people who poured out during the Cambodian invasion and millions more, not spontaneously this time and not as reaction to Nixon but because we have prepared for it. because we saw it coming and we are determined to act decisively. We can turn the Nixon-Rogers timetable of May 1 into a deadline for US withdrawal from Vietnam. 

[insert]
(cont. from p. 12)
" A just peace in Vietnam has been, and remains our goal."
Richard M Nixon
President of the United States
Washington D.C.
February 18, 1970

National Peace Action Coalition

On December 4-6, 1970, at the packinghouse Labor Center in Chicago, over 1500 people, representing 29 states, 34 labor unions, 150 colleges, 40 high schools and hundreds of community peace groups met in a National Convention of the U.S. Antiwar Movement. The overwhelming majority of those present approved a National Peace Action Coalition proposal for spring action with the focus on "massive peaceful and orderly" national demonstrations in Washington D.C. and San Francisco on Saturday, April 24 " The campaign to end the draft will have special prominence on April 24, alongside the central demand of immediate withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Southeast Asia. Other specific actions endorsed by NPAC include: local and regional actions April 2, 3 and 4 in commemoration of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, : demonstrations on May 5 around the anniversary of the Kent State, Augusta and Jackson State slayings: and GI Solidarity Day demonstrations at military installations around the country on May 16.
Since the first call went out, the April 24th demonstrations have won broad endorsement and generated new enthusiasm in the antiwar movement around the country. The preliminary list of about a thousand national endorsers of the action includes: Father Phillip Berrigan and Father Daniel Berrigan, Mayor Carl Stokes, Julian Bond, the California Federation of Teacher, national officials and staff personnel of the National Welfare Rights Organization, SCLC, NAACP, UFOC, CALCAV and SNCC, as well as many representatives of trade unions, professors, and student leaders. Over 30 coalitions around the country are building local actions and making plans for maximal participation in April 24. In the Boston area, those interested can contact the Greater Boston area, those interested can contact the Greater Boston Peace Action Coalition, 7 Brookline St. Cambridge, Mass. 02139; tel. 491-3917.
The National Peace Action Coalition functions on the basis of the following principles, reaffirmed at the open December conference. 1. immediate withdrawal 2. non-exclusion, 3. peaceful legal tactics, 4. mass demonstrations, 5. political non-partisanship, and 6. democracy. Legal non-violent mass demonstrations were pointed to as the movement's "most effective method of communicating its message to, and involving the largest numbers of people." The analysis of mass demonstrations concluded that "demonstrations by themselves do not end the war. Nor do other methods of protest suggested by those who disparage demonstrations. The war will end when its catastrophic consequences become unbearable to those waging it and those burdened by it: when workers, women, GIs, Third World people and students act decisively to end the killings." NPAC recommitted its forces to the task ahead: " to educate, organize and mobilize tens of millions of people to hasten the day when those that have the power to change governmental policy use that power to end the war."
The most compelling advantage of mass legal demonstration is their proven ability to involve broad new layers of the population. Two particularly potent social groups, GIs and labor, have begun to enter the movement in some strength through participation in as actions; for GIs in particular, the dangers involved in non-legal, "confrontational" demonstrations are prohibitive. In addition, legal demonstrations, unlike those "direct actions" which are not legal, put the burden for violence and disorder squarely on Nixon and the other warmakers, where it belongs. 
The war has been sharply and intolerably escalated in the last few months, with the resemption of bombing in North Vietnam, the invasion of the North by ground troops, stepped up bombing of all of Indochina, and the desperate use of American "advisors" in Cambodia. At the same time a blatant new attack has been made on the rights of the antiwar majority in this country with the outrageous indictment of Berrigan and the other peace activists. The most powerful and appropriate response to these events is a massive demonstration on April 24 where the warmakers and the world can see that the American people are enraged at the continuation of the war and want all thee troops brought home immediately. 

New Movement for Peace and Justice
The significance of our Spring Programs can be summarized as follows:

(a) The programs mark the beginning of a multi-issue campaign by forces heretofore described as simply " The Anti-War" movement. Questions of Racism, Poverty, Sexism and Repression are and will be interrelated in both educational materials and targets for action focuses. 
(b) The programs have as an integral action component the tactic (or philosophy) of Non-violent Civil Disobedience This represents both a heightening of the nature and character of demonstrations, and the realization that this form of action is more suited to the desires, frustrations, and commitment of the people within the movement. 
(c) The programs all embody one central education, propaganda, and organizing concept -- taking the responsibility for Ending the War, Rejecting All Forms of Racism and Discrimination, and instituting the $5500 Guaranteed Annual Income (NRWO's $5500 or Fight Campaign), directly to our American people. 
Enough, now let's outline these programs ...

I. A Joint Declaration of Peace Between the American and Vietnamese People. 

A Peace Treaty to be signed by every understanding American who wants to see this Racist, Illegal, and Immoral War ended immediately.
Any group, collective, campus, church, class, factory, faculty, organization, union or coalition can take the Treaty to its constituency and use "appropriate methods" to implement it as called for in the Treaty. 
(See Peace Treaty and interview on pages 22-23)
II. Commemorative Action on the Anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King's Assassination April 2-4, 1971.
This Action, being planned through local initiative, rightfully focuses the struggle for social justice here at home as the other arm of our struggle against U.S. imperialism in Indochina and around the world.
Activities being suggested by various organizations, i.e. N.W.R.O., War Resisters League and others, include hunger marches, teach-ins, withholding federal taxes, support of lettuce and A&P boycotts by the United Farm Workers and Operation Breadbasket (S.C.L.C.) respectively.
III. May Action 
In May, these many thousands of Americans will take their concerns to Washington D.C. in a peaceful, non-violent but militant manner. 
All Scenarios discussed for May include non-violent civil disobedience as the method Americans will use to demand that out Government act immediately on several issues:
1. Immediately setting the date for all troops to be withdrawn from Indo China. 
2. Establishing the Guaranteed Annual Income of $5500 (family of four) as an immediate priority with acceptable implementation dates. 
3. Abolishing any form of draft (Note: This only a partial list of demands)
The difference in this "trek" to D.C. is that everyone will be encouraged in advance to participate in many forms of N.V.C.D ... picketing, sitting in, sit downs, etc. Communities and cities across the country will be strongly encouraged to join with companion actions in the areas. Students will, hopefully, again challenge the validity of goals and directions of academic institutions as happened last May. Factories, shops, plants and offices will witness extended periods of discussions and actions by workers. 
An offensive will be launched, one that will take away the veil of lies and half-truths that our Government has propagandized around the country. To challenge this immoral attitude and position thousands of people will come to Washington, risk jail, gas and death, to say with physical actions that they disapprove and demand change. Those thousands will come to stay a while, stop all business as usual, lobby via militant presence, to disrupt governmental processes that are already out of order. 

IV. GI Solidarity May 16 Solidarity with GI Peace Forces Around the Country 

..............

The Peoples Peace Treaty, April 2-4 Dr. M. L. King Commemorative Action on Issues of Social Justice and Freedom, May in Washington, GI Solidarity on Armed Forces Day -- this is the Spring calendar. Aggressive, militant, non-violent in character, multi-issue in focus, direct and purposeful in this campaign to the American people. William Douthard

24

Saving...

(GREENBLATT cont. from page 23) Point three on troop withdrawal is simply a restatement of US intentions to continue its present policy of transfering the ground fighting to ARVN mercenaries under closer supervision through a much more thorough system of 'advisors'. The prototype is already in operation in parts of the Mekong Delta where US 'advisors', amounting to unit commanders, now extend down to the village and hamlet level. This process is intended to cut down US casualties and free the US military to pursue its attempt to bleed the Vietnamese people into submission through the increased use of artillery and air power. It is further based on the calculation that high US casualties are a liability on the domestic political scene and cost-effectiveness studies that show the expenditure to keep one GI in the field will buy eight similarly equipped Vietnamese mercenaries. This observation is the heart of the Nixon Doctrine for Asia. When talking about a political settlement, Nixon finally attempts to respond to one plank of the PRG program. It is a measure of the reasonableness of the PRG proposal. and proof of Nixon's intent to disrupt negotiation attempts that he has to totally misrepresent the PRG position on who will participate in the coalition in the course of his futile attempt to discredit it. It should also be noted that while the PRG offer outlines the steps which can lead to democratic elections Nixon's Five Points contain no reference to elections. Nixon's final point on release of all prisoners is clearly an emotional play meant solely for domestic consumption during an election period. Contrary to government inspired propaganda in the US press, the extent of contact between US prisoners in North Vietnam and their families, conducted through the Committee of Liaison established by anti-war activists, is unprecedented for any war in recent history. It should also be borne in mind that every American flying bombing missions in this war volunteers for the task and nearly every one is a career officer. For Nixon to equate these men with peasant-soldiers intent on driving foreign aggressors from their soil, to 'offer' exchanges when US troops are under orders not to bring in prisoners, to demand release of these career bombers while he continues to pound South Vietnam with tonnage equivalent to two and one half Hiroshima size bombs per week, this is the height of arrogance. VII.The picture should be falling into shape. The US expeditionary force is stalemated and continued US casualties, even below Nixon's 'acceptable' figure of one hundred per week, is a political liability. The Thieu-Ky-Khiem regime is more isolated each day as a mass based popular movement in the cities of South Vietnam presses more strongly for total US withdrawal and peace through a political settlement with the PRG. The Nixon Administration is attempting to sabotage this process by sheer theological and economic power in Saigon, duplicity in Paris and repression at home. In the Nixon timetable the period from now until May 1, 1971. is crucial. That is the deadline projected by Secretary of State Rogers for phasing out US forces from ground combat operations. This is also to enable bleeding Vietnam indefinitely, cheaply and with a minimum of domestic cost. The people in the United States must not allow this transition to take place. The political struggle now taking shape in the cities of South Vietnam is already broader based than that which toppled Diem. Only the timing remains in doubt for a major political offensive which will undoubtedly create a governmental crisis in Saigon before May 1, 1971. The analogy with 1963 breaks down, however, when we compare the US troop levels, the number of ARVN mercenaries and the level of economic and political commitment of Washington to Thieu, with the conditions which prevailed under Diem. In short, the political opposition may yet be crushed, and crushed for years even if Thieu falls, unless there is complementary offensive in the United States. It is ingrained movement habit to either short change or overestimate our strength, to overlook the strategic possibilities and necessities of specific historical periods. We cannot make the mistake now. Neither we nor the Vietnamese can afford it. One of the signals that the force of popular opposition in South Vietnam may well be awaiting is a visible movement in the United States in solidarity with them. If they go into the streets sometime in the next six months we must be prepared to act along with them, all the millions of people who poured out during the Cambodian invasion and millions more, not spontaneously this time and not as reaction to Nixon but because we have prepared for it. because we saw it coming and we are determined to act decisively. We can turn the Nixon-Rogers timetable of May 1 into a deadline for US withdrawal from Vietnam. [insert] (cont. from p. 12) " A just peace in Vietnam has been, and remains our goal." Richard M Nixon President of the United States Washington D.C. February 18, 1970 National Peace Action Coalition On December 4-6, 1970, at the packinghouse Labor Center in Chicago, over 1500 people, representing 29 states, 34 labor unions, 150 colleges, 40 high schools and hundreds of community peace groups met in a National Convention of the U.S. Antiwar Movement. The overwhelming majority of those present approved a National Peace Action Coalition proposal for spring action with the focus on "massive peaceful and orderly" national demonstrations in Washington D.C. and San Francisco on Saturday, April 24 " The campaign to end the draft will have special prominence on April 24, alongside the central demand of immediate withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Southeast Asia. Other specific actions endorsed by NPAC include: local and regional actions April 2, 3 and 4 in commemoration of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, : demonstrations on May 5 around the anniversary of the Kent State, Augusta and Jackson State slayings: and GI Solidarity Day demonstrations at military installations around the country on May 16. Since the first call went out, the April 24th demonstrations have won broad endorsement and generated new enthusiasm in the antiwar movement around the country. The preliminary list of about a thousand national endorsers of the action includes: Father Phillip Berrigan and Father Daniel Berrigan, Mayor Carl Stokes, Julian Bond, the California Federation of Teacher, national officials and staff personnel of the National Welfare Rights Organization, SCLC, NAACP, UFOC, CALCAV and SNCC, as well as many representatives of trade unions, professors, and student leaders. Over 30 coalitions around the country are building local actions and making plans for maximal participation in April 24. In the Boston area, those interested can contact the Greater Boston area, those interested can contact the Greater Boston Peace Action Coalition, 7 Brookline St. Cambridge, Mass. 02139; tel. 491-3917. The National Peace Action Coalition functions on the basis of the following principles, reaffirmed at the open December conference. 1. immediate withdrawal 2. non-exclusion, 3. peaceful legal tactics, 4. mass demonstrations, 5. political non-partisanship, and 6. democracy. Legal non-violent mass demonstrations were pointed to as the movement's "most effective method of communicating its message to, and involving the largest numbers of people." The analysis of mass demonstrations concluded that "demonstrations by themselves do not end the war. Nor do other methods of protest suggested by those who disparage demonstrations. The war will end when its catastrophic consequences become unbearable to those waging it and those burdened by it: when workers, women, GIs, Third World people and students act decisively to end the killings." NPAC recommitted its forces to the task ahead: " to educate, organize and mobilize tens of millions of people to hasten the day when those that have the power to change governmental policy use that power to end the war." The most compelling advantage of mass legal demonstration is their proven ability to involve broad new layers of the population. Two particularly potent social groups, GIs and labor, have begun to enter the movement in some strength through participation in as actions; for GIs in particular, the dangers involved in non-legal, "confrontational" demonstrations are prohibitive. In addition, legal demonstrations, unlike those "direct actions" which are not legal, put the burden for violence and disorder squarely on Nixon and the other warmakers, where it belongs. The war has been sharply and intolerably escalated in the last few months, with the resemption of bombing in North Vietnam, the invasion of the North by ground troops, stepped up bombing of all of Indochina, and the desperate use of American "advisors" in Cambodia. At the same time a blatant new attack has been made on the rights of the antiwar majority in this country with the outrageous indictment of Berrigan and the other peace activists. The most powerful and appropriate response to these events is a massive demonstration on April 24 where the warmakers and the world can see that the American people are enraged at the continuation of the war and want all thee troops brought home immediately. New Movement for Peace and Justice The significance of our Spring Programs can be summarized as follows: (a) The programs mark the beginning of a multi-issue campaign by forces heretofore described as simply " The Anti-War" movement. Questions of Racism, Poverty, Sexism and Repression are and will be interrelated in both educational materials and targets for action focuses. (b) The programs have as an integral action component the tactic (or philosophy) of Non-violent Civil Disobedience This represents both a heightening of the nature and character of demonstrations, and the realization that this form of action is more suited to the desires, frustrations, and commitment of the people within the movement. (c) The programs all embody one central education, propaganda, and organizing concept -- taking the responsibility for Ending the War, Rejecting All Forms of Racism and Discrimination, and instituting the $5500 Guaranteed Annual Income (NRWO's $5500 or Fight Campaign), directly to our American people. Enough, now let's outline these programs ... I. A Joint Declaration of Peace Between the American and Vietnamese People. A Peace Treaty to be signed by every understanding American who wants to see this Racist, Illegal, and Immoral War ended immediately. Any group, collective, campus, church, class, factory, faculty, organization, union or coalition can take the Treaty to its constituency and use "appropriate methods" to implement it as called for in the Treaty. (See Peace Treaty and interview on pages 22-23) II. Commemorative Action on the Anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King's Assassination April 2-4, 1971. This Action, being planned through local initiative, rightfully focuses the struggle for social justice here at home as the other arm of our struggle against U.S. imperialism in Indochina and around the world. Activities being suggested by various organizations, i.e. N.W.R.O., War Resisters League and others, include hunger marches, teach-ins, withholding federal taxes, support of lettuce and A&P boycotts by the United Farm Workers and Operation Breadbasket (S.C.L.C.) respectively. III. May Action In May, these many thousands of Americans will take their concerns to Washington D.C. in a peaceful, non-violent but militant manner. All Scenarios discussed for May include non-violent civil disobedience as the method Americans will use to demand that out Government act immediately on several issues: 1. Immediately setting the date for all troops to be withdrawn from Indo China. 2. Establishing the Guaranteed Annual Income of $5500 (family of four) as an immediate priority with acceptable implementation dates. 3. Abolishing any form of draft (Note: This only a partial list of demands) The difference in this "trek" to D.C. is that everyone will be encouraged in advance to participate in many forms of N.V.C.D ... picketing, sitting in, sit downs, etc. Communities and cities across the country will be strongly encouraged to join with companion actions in the areas. Students will, hopefully, again challenge the validity of goals and directions of academic institutions as happened last May. Factories, shops, plants and offices will witness extended periods of discussions and actions by workers. An offensive will be launched, one that will take away the veil of lies and half-truths that our Government has propagandized around the country. To challenge this immoral attitude and position thousands of people will come to Washington, risk jail, gas and death, to say with physical actions that they disapprove and demand change. Those thousands will come to stay a while, stop all business as usual, lobby via militant presence, to disrupt governmental processes that are already out of order. IV. GI Solidarity May 16 Solidarity with GI Peace Forces Around the Country .............. The Peoples Peace Treaty, April 2-4 Dr. M. L. King Commemorative Action on Issues of Social Justice and Freedom, May in Washington, GI Solidarity on Armed Forces Day -- this is the Spring calendar. Aggressive, militant, non-violent in character, multi-issue in focus, direct and purposeful in this campaign to the American people. William Douthard 24